Question
Bring out the need for on-the-job-training for a person.

Answer

Training refers to the act of acquiring skills, knowledge and competency required to perform a particular job efficiently and effectively. On-the-job training is the most effective kind of training to a trainee, imparting him the technical skills and know-how at the actual work site. In this type of training, a trainee is assisted (or hands on) and trained by a trainer (usually by an experienced employee), when the trainee is actually doing the job. This helps the trainee not only to acquire the theoretical and practical skills simultaneously but also enables him to learn from the experiences of his trainer, thereby, can increase his efficiency and productivity. This is the most common type of training programs because the returns in terms of increased productivity far exceed the cost of the training. Thus, the expenditures on such training improve the quality of human capital by enhancing its productivity, efficiency and income earning capacity.The need for on the job training has been highlighted in the following points:
  1. On-the-job training is the most common method to train freshers or new employees.
  2. This type of training helps the trainee to acquire the theoretical and practical skills simultaneously.
  3. It enables the person to absorb values, norms and standards of an organisation within the organisation because the employee sees them in everyday action.
  4. As it is done under the supervision of a skilled or experienced worker, the trainee can learn from the experiences of the supervisor.
  5. It is a cost efficient method as the benefits accruing in terms of higher productivity outweigh the expenditure incurred on such training.

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The foundations of CPEC, part of China’s Belt and Road Initiative, were laid in May 2013. At the time, Pakistan was reeling under weak economic growth. China committed to play an integral role in supporting Pakistan’s economy.
Pakistan and China have a strategic relationship that goes back decades. Pakistan turned to China at a time when it needed a rapid increase in external financing to meet critical investments in hard infrastructure, particularly power plants and highways.
CPEC’s early harvest projects met this need, leading to a dramatic increase in Pakistan’s power generation capacity, bringing an end to supply-side constraints that had made rolling blackouts a regular occurrence across the country.
Pakistan leaned into CPEC, leveraging Chinese financing and technical assistance in an attempt to end power shortages that had paralyzed its country’s economy. Years later, China’s influence in Pakistan has increased at an unimaginable pace.
China As Pakistan’s Largest Bilateral Creditor: China’s ability to exert influence on Pakistan’s economy has grown substantially in recent years, mainly due to the fact that Beijing is now Islamabad’s largest creditor. According to documents released by Pakistan’s finance ministry, Pakistan’s total public and publicly guaranteed external debt stood at USD 44.35 billion in June 2013, just 9.3 percent of which was owed to China. By April 2021, this external debt had ballooned to USD 90.12 billion, with Pakistan owing 27.4 percent —USD 24.7 billion — of its total external debt to China, according to the International Monetary Fund (IMF).
Additionally, China provided financial and technical expertise to help Pakistan build its road infrastructure, expanding north-south connectivity to improve the efficiency of moving goods from Karachi all the way to Gilgit-Baltistan (POK). These investments were critical in better integrating the country’s ports, especially Karachi, with urban centers in Punjab and KhyberPakhtunkhwa provinces.
Despite power asymmetries between China and Pakistan, the latter still has tremendous agency in determining its own policies, even if such policies come at the expense of the longterm socioeconomic welfare of Pakistani citizens.
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THE FUTURE POPULATIONS OF CHINA AND INDIA
In the absence of catastrophic events such as nuclear war, the populations of India and China are destined to become even larger, and by a large margin. If the Chinese were to achieve a total fertility rate of as low as 1.7 children born per woman by 1990 and maintain fertility that low for 30 years, the population would increase to a maximum of 1.22 X 10 in 2020 about 75% greater than the 700 x 106 it was when the birth rate began its big decline in the mid-1960s. To limit the increase to this amount will require an extraordinary success of the birth planning program.
For many years, 30% of parents would need to have only one child, and 70% only two. If a significant fraction had three or more, the proportion of one-child couples would need to be higher still. The social cost would be substantial. Many children would grow up with no siblings; many in the next generation would have no aunts, uncles, or cousins; very many parents would have no sons, and there would be an age structure with a marked relative shortage of younger workers, males of military age, etc. These features are very foreign to Chinese customs and values; the stringent and allegedly coercive means needed to achieve such low fertility might have adverse political effects as did less draconian measures in India.
In India, the failure to have started a large decline in fertility as early as in China implies a prospective growth on the order of 75% or more of the current population-to a maximum of at least 1.2 x 109, because the current population is nearly the size the Chinese population was when the birth rate in China began its dramatic fall.
The death rate in India is higher than that in China, but the prospective decline in fertility in India is surely more gradual; the attainment of a replacement-level (total fertility rate of about 2.2 or 2.3 children) is long in the future, to say nothing of attainment of lower rates.
The reason for the large continuing increases in population in each country even after fertility is reduced is that population growth has its own momentum. High birth rates in the recent past mean that there will be many more potential parents for another generation than there are now. Even if every couple merely replaces itself, the population continues to increase by 50% or more.
Thus, the world's two largest populations are destined to become much larger. I believe today, as I did when working with Hoover, that if sensible economic policies are followed it will be possible to provide a somewhat better life for these larger populations than is enjoyed in the two countries today. Reducing fertility soon to no higher than needed for long-run replacement would improve the prospects significantly and would especially improve the social and economic future as seen from the perspective of early in the next century. Yet, the mistakes of the past cannot be cancelled; the birth rate cannot be lowered retrospectively. A lower birth rate now is desirable, but the ideal rate is not zero. There are social and political costs of excessive emphasis on the immediate achievement of very small families; the rights and sensibilities of the current population and the disequilibrating effects of drastic changes in age composition must enter the calculation of desirable population policies.
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